Showing posts with label Recidivism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Recidivism. Show all posts

July 31, 2012

Predicting a predator's next move: Tracking Oregon's high-risk sex offenders

7-31-2012 Oregon:

The case of Adam Lee Brown, a notorious child sex abuser accused of attacking a 10-year-old boy in June while on Multnomah County supervision, has reignited debate over what it takes to manage sex offenders after their release from prison.

Of the roughly 500 to 600 sex offenders who leave Oregon prisons each year, only 4 percent are caught committing another sex crime in the state during their first three years of freedom, state records show.

The question faced daily by the state's sex offender management system: Who's going to be in the 4 percent?

Decades of research have turned sex offender management into a science, but the tools for assessing whether a predator such as Brown will re-offend remain imprecise.

In Oregon, parole officers rely on an assortment of methods. To help predict risk, they use internationally recognized screening tests that determine whether those on their caseload are at high, medium or low risk of re-offending.

To manage the risk, the officers require the offender to make regular visits to their office and attend sex abuse or substance abuse treatment. At the same time, the officers check up on the offenders through home visits, polygraph exams and electronic GPS monitoring.

And yet no risk assessment can reliably predict what a given individual will do, experts say.

"The risk tools are good, but the outcomes vary on factors that aren't in the model," said Karl Hanson, a research officer with Public Safety Canada and the creator of Static-99, the field's most widely used risk assessment test. "They're functional but imperfect measures, because we're missing some stuff."

Predicting a crime

When a sex offender is released from prison, the county responsible for his supervision tries to determine his risk of re-offending.

Overall, recidivism rates for sex offenders are low compared with people convicted of other types of felonies, though experts urge caution with recidivism estimates because many crimes are unreported or hard to prosecute.

Multnomah County parole officers such as Tracey Madsen, who was supervising Brown, rely on risk assessments to guide their approach to a typical caseload of 45 sex offenders.

For nearly a decade, Oregon has used Hanson's test, Static-99. The test rates each offender based on factors such as number of prior sex offenses, prior nonsexual violence and whether victims were strangers or relatives. The test is used only for men because the number of female sex offenders is so low that data on their recidivism are considered unreliable.

The test measures probabilities, not certainties. Offenders deemed low-risk, with a chance of re-offense at 4 to 8 percent, can and do commit new sex crimes. And within the highest risk group, whose chances of re-offense are 21 to 38 percent, there's no telling who will and won't attack again.

As the name suggests, Static-99's predictions of risk do not change over time, because they reflect only the person's history up to his release.

Six months into an offender's supervision, Multnomah County parole officers start giving other tests to measure more fluid characteristics.

"If they're going to treatment and are in a positive, pro-social support system, those people are doing things to reduce their risk," said Patrick Schreiner, district manager who oversees sex offender supervision for Multnomah County Department of Community Justice.

Experts in sex offender management say they're much more concerned about a low-risk offender who is in an unstable situation than a high-risk offender with a stable life.

The Stable test, performed annually, considers social influences: Who is part of the offender's life? Does he have a substance abuse problem? Is he homeless? It factors in any "intimacy deficits": Is he in a stable relationship? It measures cooperation: Is he reporting to his parole officer and complying with treatment?

Last, the Stable test considers the offender's sexual "self-regulation" and attitudes toward sexual assault, attempting to assess whether he can control his sexual thoughts. If the answer is no, it's a hugh red flag.

"That's a lifetime problem," said Schreiner. "You can learn tools to address it, just like an alcoholic can learn tools to address substance abuse. But those sex offenders have a lower rate of success."

The third test, the Acute, is given monthly. It examines factors such as an offender's access to potential victims, any "emotional collapse" due to a job or relationship loss and high levels of sexual preoccupation.

"We're going to talk to them every time we see them about how often they're masturbating, how often they're using porn," Schreiner said.

Containing the risk

No consensus exists on how to manage a sex offender once his level of risk is known, but Oregon and other states rely on what's called a "containment" approach to encircle the offender with many layers of control.

A network of professionals -- not simply parole officers, but treatment providers, landlords and police -- regularly share what they know about the offender's activities.

"We're not counting on the officer to be the only one having contact with them," Schreiner said.

In Multnomah County, once a sex offender is declared high-risk, as Brown was, a parole officer wants to see the offender at least twice a month at his or her office. Although the county used to expect its parole officers to make a prescribed number of home visits to each offender, its policy is being revised to give parole officers greater discretion to determine who requires more frequent visits.

If one offender is participating in treatment and making his office visits and another is not, then the noncompliant offender should be visited more frequently, supervisors said.

Scott Taylor, director of Multnomah County's Department of Community Justice, said specialized training for parole officers who supervise sex offenders is crucial.

"It takes some real specific knowledge," he said, "so they can see things where you and I might not."

Catching a lie

Lie detector tests and electronic monitoring also play a central role in the containment model. Their usefulness is under debate.

Lie detector tests have been used on sex offenders in Oregon for more than 20 years. Multnomah County expects a "full-disclosure polygraph" be done within an offender's first six months of supervision to delve deeply into an offender's background, beyond what's known at conviction. Then a "maintenance" polygraph is done every six months to check whether the offender had contact with minors, abused drugs or accessed pornography.

Research into polygraph testing on sex offenders is relatively new, and the results are mixed. James Konopasek, a polygraph examiner in The Dalles, has found that those who passed a full-disclosure polygraph within a year of being released were 25 percent less likely to re-offend.

But Roger Cook, a polygraph examiner based in Tualatin, studied the same test last year and found it virtually useless.

Polygraph testing may actually be counterproductive, Cook said. The threat of being tested can drive some offenders into hiding, he said, while a passed polygraph test can lull parole officers into a false sense of security.

In Brown's case, shortly after his release from prison in 2004, the right question wasn't asked in a polygraph after he walked up to young girls walking home from school in Douglas County. He was asked whether he'd had any sexual contact with minors, and he passed, saying no. If he'd been asked whether he had any contact with minors, the result might have been different.

Surveillance tools

An ankle bracelet used to electronically monitor an offender's location via GPS is costly but can be effective, studies show. It was recommended for Brown this year before his alleged attack on a 10-year-old boy, but not used.

Multnomah County uses two types of monitoring: passive and active. With passive monitoring, no one tracks the offender in the moment; if there's a violation, a parole officer may get a notice the next day.

Under active GPS monitoring, a text message is sent to a parole officer when an offender goes somewhere he should not be. But there's no staff working 24/7 to pick up the violations. During off-hours, an alert goes to an office, where operators try to contact the offender's parole officer.

Round-the-clock monitoring would be too costly, Multnomah County officials said. They argue that if offenders thumb their noses at supervision, GPS isn't going to alter their behavior. Currently, 35 sex offenders are on GPS in Multnomah County; of those, 31 are actively monitored.

County officials are reviewing why Brown didn't get GPS, but they doubt it would have made a difference.

"This guy would have cut it off," Schreiner said. "It wouldn't have changed anything, I don't think. Unless he was motivated to work with the PO, GPS isn't going to do anything."

A study released this year of high-risk sex offenders in California found that GPS helps reduce recidivism.

In November 2006, California passed Jessica's Law, which mandated that all sex offenders be placed on GPS supervision for life.

The report found the GPS program costs roughly $35.96 a day per parolee, compared with $27.45 under traditional supervision. However, the GPS group was more likely to comply with the conditions of supervision and less likely to re-offend.

Taylor pledged the county will review Brown's supervision. "If we see any patterns or problems that stand out," he said, "we'll make adjustments."

A different path

Although Oregon relies on treatment, office visits and electronic devices to manage sex offenders, officials elsewhere have experimented with other approaches, ranging from the innovative to the extreme.

In Kansas, Minnesota and Washington, sex offenders may be civilly committed indefinitely to a mental institution after they've completed their criminal sentences. A judge must find by "clear and convincing evidence" that the prisoner engaged in sexually violent conduct, suffered from mental illness and would have difficulty controlling himself.

A pilot project in Canada, meanwhile, took a different direction. It found that using trained volunteers to make daily contact with high-risk offenders, when combined with treatment and supervision, can reduce recidivism by 70 percent.

No definitive studies have been done to show which method of sex offender management works the best. But international experts in the field say all of the major techniques currently in use have some effect.

"If the offender is planning and has a strong intention to offend, there's not much you can do," said Hanson, who devised the Static-99 test. "What you're largely working with is making it appear unattractive for them to go that route." ..Source.. by Maxine Bernstein, The Oregonian

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August 1, 2011

After release from prison, Maine sex offenders rarely commit another sex crime, study reports

8-1-2011 Maine:

PORTLAND -- Contrary to popular belief, freed sex offenders in Maine commit additional sex crimes at a much lower rate than other former inmates carry out non-sex crimes, according to a new statewide study.

Less than 4 percent of sex offenders released between 2004 and 2006 were re-imprisoned for a sex crime in the three years after their release, according to the Maine analysis.

By contrast, about 21 percent of perpetrators of other crimes released during the same time period were re-imprisoned in the three years after their release.

Although these findings are similar to other studies around the country that have found relatively low recidivism rates for sex offenders, they still fly in the face of public perception, which suggests sex offenders go on to commit more sex crimes at stunningly high rates.

Mark Rubin, the study's co-author, said the findings didn't surprise him.

"There's a perception that sex offenders recidivate at a higher rate than other criminals, but there's really no data to support that theory," said Rubin, a research associate at the University of Southern Maine's Muskie School of Public Service.

"I've read and seen data that sex offenders across the country have very low recidivism rates."

The Maine study, conducted by the Muskie School with the help of the Maine Department of Corrections, is the first of its kind in the state.

It followed 18,295 prisoners released from prison between 2004 and 2008. About 900 of those, or slightly less than 5 percent, were sex offenders.

Dr. Joe Fitzpatrick, the clinical director for the Corrections Department, attributed the low recidivism rates for sex offenders to the department's proactive approach.

The department provides intense individual and group therapy programs for sex offenders during their incarceration, and then strict supervision and rules after they're sent home.

"Specialized probation officers are also partnering with family members, community members and employers, who can all lend a hand when it comes to supervising," Fitzpatrick said.

"Monitoring where offenders live, where they work and where they spend their time are all part of a wrap-around approach to ensuring no more victims."

The 4 percent recidivism rate found in Maine doesn't significantly differ from other state and national studies. The U.S. Department of Justice followed convicts released in 1994, and found that 5.4 percent of sex offenders were re-imprisoned for sex crimes in the three years after their release.

But that hasn't deterred the public from believing that sex offenders re-offend much more than other criminals.

One 2009 survey in Florida found that 68 percent of people believe sex criminals "re-offend at much higher rates" than other convicts.

And the public believes about 65 to 80 percent of sex offenders go on to commit more sex crimes, according to several other studies. The Maine study didn't analyze public perceptions.

Numerous factors contribute to these misconceptions, experts said. Part of it may be media portrayals of sex offenders. Part of it is mixed evidence about whether treatment for sex criminals is effective, or extreme fear of heinous sex crimes.

"It's completely understandable," Fitzpatrick said. "Sex offenders cause so much harm, the effect on the community and the risk to the community is always significant, even with a single offense."

But some experts said to take the new study's findings with a grain of salt. Sexual assaults are extremely underreported compared with other crimes, so some sex offenders may be committing new crimes without being detected, said Elizabeth Ward Saxl, the executive director of the Maine Coalition Against Sexual Assault.

"While that recidivism data tells us something, it doesn't give us a clear picture of what's going on," Saxl said.

It's also important to acknowledge the variety of sex offenders when looking at any data, Saxl said. Sex offenders can be child molesters, or someone who urinated in public, or a 19-year-old who had sex with a 16-year-old. Depending on what category of sex offender one studies, the recidivism rates could drastically differ.

Fitzpatrick said Maine acknowledges these differences, and provides different therapies and probation rules for different types of sex offenders.

"Some sex offenders may only commit one sex crime their entire life; others may commit hundreds of sex crimes," Saxl said. "You can't put them all into one box."

The Muskie School decided to study sex offenders because at the time research began, many Maine communities were deciding how to deal with sex offenders, Rubin said.

Under the federal Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act of 2006, all sex offenders must register their location at least once a year. But some cities and town have taken it a step further, by passing legislation that make it nearly impossible for sex offenders to live within their jurisdictions.

Some experts say the strict rules actually make sex offenders more dangerous. Because of the public ostracism, it becomes more difficult for sex offenders to get a job, find a place to live and re-assimilate into society after leaving prison.

This instability and alienation can make them more likely to commit another sex crime, Fitzpatrick and others said.

Rubin said he'd like to track these same convicts' recidivism rates five and 10 years after their release from prison. He'd also like to collect data on whether the often severe restrictions against sex offenders help or hurt recidivism rates.

"It's an emerging field of study," Rubin said. "The problem is dealing with public policy right now when there's not always enough data to make an informed decision." ..Source.. by Jason Singer

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June 29, 2010

The Sentencing Project Unveils New Recidivism

6-29-2010 National:

The Sentencing Project is pleased to announce the publication of a first–of-its-kind comprehensive database, "State Recidivism Studies." The database provides references for 99 recidivism studies conducted between 1995-2009 in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.

These studies have been produced by a variety of agencies, including departments of corrections, sentencing commissions, statistical analysis centers, and universities. The studies address issues including juvenile/adult status, race, gender, offense type, program intervention, and many others, and thus offer insights into the variety of factors that may affect recidivism outcomes.

Because of the diversity among the studies in methodology and definitions of recidivism, the measurements of recidivism rates are not necessarily comparable across jurisdictions. Overall, though, the studies provide insight into the variety of factors that affect program success for people sentenced to incarceration or community supervision. See ..State Recidivism Studies (PDF)..

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March 27, 2010

REGION: Sex offenders share lack of empathy

3-27-2010 California:

Experts say refusal to acknowledge crime increases chance of new offense

Some are young, some are old, some are middle-aged.

They can be poor, wealthy or middle-class. Some are smart, some not so smart.

While researchers say sex offenders fit no typical profile, they share the characteristics of deviant sexual arousal, interests or preferences, according to the U.S. Department of Justice's Center for Sex Offender Management.

Those include sexual contact with young children or adolescents; sexual contact with others against their will; inflicting pain or humiliation on others; taking part in or watching violent acts; exposing themselves in public; and secretly watching others undress or engage in sexual contact.

When they commit their crimes, nearly all sex offenders are aware that what they are doing is illegal and harmful to their victim, the center says.

"Yet they engage in the behavior anyway," the center says. "What happens is that sex offenders may tell themselves that the behavior is not harmful, or that it is less serious, or claim that the victim enjoyed the behavior."

Sex offenders such as John Albert Gardner III, who refuse to take responsibility for their crimes, are more likely to commit another sex offense, according to a San Diego State University sociologist.

"With adolescents, the earlier you identify them, the more successful treatment is," said Dr. Thom Reilly, director of the university's School of Social Work. "The older someone gets, and if they are unwilling to admit their offense, the chances of treatment being successful are a lot less."

Gardner's records show he repeatedly denied committing the lewd and lascivious acts with a 13-year-old girl that resulted in a six-year prison term in 2000.

It was the girl's mother, not he, who was responsible for beating her, the then-20-year-old Gardner told authorities.

"The defendant made no mention whatsoever of feeling contrition or remorse," according to a pre-sentence report.

Denying culpability signals a likelihood to reoffend, Reilly said during an interview last week.

"With someone who refuses to acknowledge their crime or who blame others, there's a lot less chance that the behaviors will be changed," he said.

Four years after he was paroled in 2006, Gardner, 30, is charged with the Feb. 25 slaying and sexual assault of Chelsea King, 17, of Poway.

Gardner is also charged with the Dec. 27 assault on a jogger at Rancho Bernardo Community Park, the same park near where Chelsea was slain.

He has pleaded not guilty to the charges, and he remains the only named suspect in the February 2009 disappearance and murder of 14-year-old Amber Dubois of Escondido.

Lack of empathy

San Diego clinical psychologist Dr. Michael Mantell has worked with sex offenders for decades and says most share a characteristic: "These are people with tremendous deficits of empathy."

Sex offenders are almost always victims of some type of abuse when they were young.

Gardner, for example, told authorities after his arrest in 2000 that he often was beaten by his father, whom he described as an alcoholic.

"The psychology of the offender almost always includes having been offended themselves," Mantell said. "Somewhere in their life, the person has been preyed upon and hurt emotionally. I haven't seen any (sex offender) who wasn't her- or himself hurt in a physical, emotional or sexual way."

Researchers say it's those who are never treated for such abuse that pose a higher risk of becoming sex offenders later in life.

Mantell said his experience in working with sex offenders convinces him they are driven by impulse to commit their crimes.

"These people are obsessed," he said. "It's always on their minds."

From everything he has learned about Gardner, including the conclusion of the psychologist who interviewed Gardner in 2000 and determined he was a predator who represented a continuing danger, Mantell said he believes the murder suspect "has all the signs and symptoms of a multiple sex offender."

"When a psychologist says 'he cannot be rehabilitated,' you need remarkably compelling evidence to the contrary to believe the behavior will ever change," Mantell said. "These are people who, in their core belief system, think that having sex with kids is OK. It's only the ones who show genuine remorse and are really working at it who are good candidates for rehabilitation."

Someone who kills in the commission of a rape or an attempted rape, as Gardner is accused of doing, is considered a "lust murderer."

"They enjoy watching their victim suffer," Mantell said.

No simple cures

A report issued by the California Sex Offender Management Board in January cautions that there is no magic formula for identifying, treating or monitoring sex offenders.

"No two sex offenders pose the same level of risk, nor can they be managed or supervised in identical ways," the report concluded. "Similarly, policymakers and the public should be suspicious of any one technology or strategy which promises to solve the problem of sex offenders."

At any given time, California has about 10,000 sex offenders under county probation officer supervision and an additional 6,800 on parole from prison and under the watch of state parole officers.

Treatment services for those individuals are often nonexistent, according to the management board report.

There is no formal sex offender treatment program in the prisons, and the report urges Sacramento lawmakers to fund one, as well as post-prison counseling.

Gardner violated his parole on at least seven occasions.

But those violations ---- speeding, driving without a license, marijuana possession ---- were considered minor and not enough to revoke his parole or have him committed to a mental hospital for evaluation.

That's one of the areas that state lawmakers and the parents of Chelsea King now say needs a comprehensive review.

The Sex Offender Management Board issued that same message in January, saying the state needs a more efficient screening process to determine which parole violations indicate a stronger chance of the person reoffending.

Politics and recidivism

Calls for mandatory "one-strike" laws that would lock up a sex offender for life after a single conviction came shortly after Gardner was arrested.

In fact, numerous studies of convicted sex offenders show that the majority are never arrested for a second sex offense.

Their recidivism rate is far lower in California and nationwide than for most other types of crimes.

A 2008 report to the state Legislature that studied more than 4,000 sex offenders after their release from prison found only 3.5 percent committed a new sex offense within three years.

Thirty-five percent, however, were returned to prison because of a parole violation, according to the study.

The relatively low likelihood of a second sex offense, but required lifetime registration requirement under Megan's Law, creates questions of appropriateness, according to Jody Armour, a University of Southern California law professor.

"Unlike murderers, arsonists and other people convicted of committing serious bodily injury, it's only sex offenders who have continuing lifetime reporting obligations," he said. "How do we square that with how we treat the others?"

Armour said he recognizes the calls for tougher punishment and even more monitoring of sex offenders.

"But we need to make sure we temper our judgment with a sense of proportionality," he said.

*California sex offender recidivism breakdown:

Returned to prison because of new sex offense within three years: 3.5 percent

Returned to prison because of a new nonsex offense within three years: 4.5 percent

Returned to prison for parole violation: 35.5 percent

*Source: California Sex Offender Management Board January 2008 Report to the Legislature. Study followed 4,287 sex offenders released from state prisons in 2003.

*General recidivism rates among 2005 California parolees returned to prison within two years:

Vehicle theft: 67 percent

Possession of a controlled substance: 62 percent

Robbery: 52 percent

Burglary: 52 percent to 59 percent depending on classification of crime

Forgery: 48 percent

Arson: 46 percent

Sexual penetration with an object: 34 percent

Lewd act with a child: 32 percent. This is the charge for which Chelsea King homicide suspect John Albert Gardner was convicted of in 2000.

Rape: 28 percent


Murder: 3.3 percent

*Source: California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. The individuals in the study were returned to prison because of new offenses or violation of their parole conditions. ..Source.. MARK WALKER - mlwalker@nctimes.com

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December 25, 2009

NY Times Editorial: Smart Answers to Recidivism

12-25-2009 National:

Faced with soaring prison costs, states are finally focusing on policies that would help former prisoners stay out of jail after they are released. Some legislatures are reshaping laws that land parolees back inside for technical violations that should be dealt with on the outside. More than a dozen cities and counties have taken steps that make it easier for qualified ex-offenders to land government jobs, except in education and law enforcement and other sensitive areas from which people with convictions are normally barred by law.

Still, the nation as a whole needs to do much more about laws that marginalize former offenders — and often drive them back to jail — by denying them voting rights, parental rights, drivers licenses and access to public housing, welfare and food stamps, even in cases where they have led blameless lives after prison.

New Jersey — a state with a terrible record of marginalizing former prisoners — could lead the way. Before the State Legislature in Trenton is a comprehensive package of reforms that would help ex-offenders rejoin society’s mainstream and lower the chances, and costs, of recidivism.

New Jersey lawmakers heard some depressing testimony in hearings leading up to the legislation. Deterred by barriers to jobs, housing and education, about two-thirds of the people released from prison in New Jersey end up back inside within three years. Since taxpayers spend about $48,000 per prison inmate per year, by some estimates, the state could reap significant savings from even a small decline in the return-to-prison rate.

The proposed reforms in New Jersey seek to end practices under which former prisoners are denied employment because of minor convictions, even in the distant past, and crimes that have nothing at all to do with the work being sought.

No reasonable person would suggest that a sex offender be given a job in an elementary school or day-care center. An ex-offender could not be disqualified for employment unless the offense was directly related to the job. Job seekers would no longer be required to disclose convictions on applications for state, county or municipal jobs. The offenses could still be uncovered in background checks, but they would no longer automatically rule out an applicant from the start.

The bill would lift the state ban on food stamps and welfare benefits for people with felony drug convictions and would expand education and training opportunities for inmates. And it would end an odious practice under which the prison system earns a profit by overcharging poor families for the collect calls they receive from relatives inside a system. The added cost sometimes forces families to choose between putting food on the table or letting a child speak to an incarcerated parent.

The New Jersey Legislature has a chance to provide a new lease on life to thousands of families while offering a model for the rest of the nation. ..Source.. NY Times

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October 26, 2009

Scotland Ups The Protection Level Against Repeat Sex Offenders (Recidivism 1.48%)

10-26-2009 Scotland:

Fewer than one in 60 of Scotland’s registered sex offenders reoffended in 2008-09, according to figures published today.

Data showing how police, prison and local authorities currently work together to manage sex offenders and protect the public has been published.

This is the second year that each of Scotland’s Community Justice Authority (CJA) areas have published detailed reports on how the responsible authorities in their areas are managing sex offenders in the community.

The Multi-Agency Public Protection Arrangements (MAPPAs) came into force in April 2007, ensuring the police, the Scottish Prison Service and local authorities, working with other agencies where required, jointly assess, share information about and manage certain offenders in the community.

The reports for 2008-09 show that across Scotland:


* 2,967 registered sex offenders were living in Scottish communities with a further 798 in custody on March 31, 2009

* 2,825 offenders complied with the notification requirements of the sex offenders register

* 136 breaches of the notification requirements were reported, 47 fewer than for 2007-08

* 44 offenders were charged with a further sexual or violent offence – representing one in 68 of those managed (1.48 per cent)

Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill said:

“Sexual offences are not a modern day phenomenon. The sad reality is that sex offenders and the threat they pose have existed for all of human history. But what has improved is the way in which they are managed.

“Since devolution, three expert reviews and a cross-party inquiry have led to significant reforms to how these individuals are managed and only last month, Tayside Police began a pilot project that will entitle parents to know if a sex offender has access to their children.

“MAPPAs have strengthened how police, social work and other agencies work together to assess, monitor and reduce risks posed by convicted sex offenders. While they can’t always be foreseen or eliminated, these agencies are working increasingly effectively to identify and minimise risks and protect the public.

“While it is clearly worrying when any sex offender reoffends, it is encouraging that the reoffending rate last year equates to one in 68 when the general reoffending rate is far higher.

“Today’s reports are evidence that the comprehensive joint approach delivered through MAPPAs are working in practice. They clearly demonstrate that when sex offenders breach their conditions, it is dealt with swiftly.

“Dealing with the complex problem of sex offending requires dedicated professionals working together to take difficult decisions in the interests of public protection. We must all continue to be vigilant and share information. Scotland is one of the leading countries in the world in terms of its approach to the management of sex offenders and we will continue to strengthen our approach to dealing with them.”

Deputy Chief Constable Bill Harkins of ACPOS said:

“Since the publication of last year’s annual reports MAPPA has continued to develop in Scotland. ACPOS has remained engaged with our partners in social work, prisons, health and others and the work we do together is helping to enhance the level of protection provided to the public.

“Managing offenders who pose a high risk of harm is not an exact science and the agencies are learning from each case. We value our close relationship with Government which has provided the opportunity to trial new techniques such as the Sex Offender Disclosure Pilot which we anticipate will help to protect children and empower parents.

“MAPPA has helped cement the relationships between the ‘responsible authorities’ and ‘duty to co-operate’ agencies. These relationships continue to produce new opportunities for information sharing, problem solving and collaborative working.”

Sandy Riddell, Director of Community Services Moray Council, and Convenor of the ADSW Criminal Justice Standing Committee, said:

“ADSW welcomes the publication of the annual reports for the second year of the operation of MAPPA in Scotland. ADSW remains fully committed to the principle that effective assessment and management of sex offenders requires close collaborative working between responsible authorities and that the MAPPA process strengthens such collaborative working.

“Since the publication of the first MAPPA reports last year a significant amount of work has been undertaken to develop practice in the assessment and management of high risk offenders and this ranges from the training of front-line staff to the development of strategic oversight groups for MAPPA. The training provided has been initiated both locally and nationally and delivered on a multi disciplinary basis, reflecting the good collaborative working operational practice of the responsible authorities and duty to cooperate agencies.

“All CJA areas have now developed strategic oversight arrangements, which amongst other things will monitor MAPPA performance and quality assurance and plan the long term development of the MAPPA.

“The MAPPA reports for 2008-2009 evidence the continued good collaborative practice in this demanding area of work. Currently all agencies are involved in reviewing the new draft MAPPA guidance and it is important that this guidance is continually reviewed and revised to ensure that it effectively guides all agencies involved through the MAPPA process and assists in the continued improvement of MAPPA.”

The Management of Offenders etc. (Scotland) Act 2005 established the MAPPAs and placed them on a statutory basis. The legislation requires the police, Scottish Prison Service and Local Authorities (acting jointly as the ‘Responsible Authority’) in each of the eight Community Justice Authority areas of Scotland:

* To establish arrangements for assessing and managing the risks posed by registered sex offenders
* To review and monitor the arrangements
* As part of the reviewing and monitoring arrangements, to prepare and publish an annual report on their operation

Other agencies have been placed under a duty to co-operate with the Responsible Authority. These include:

* Health Boards
* The Principal Reporter to the Scottish Children’s Reporter Administration
* Housing Providers which accommodate MAPPA offenders
* Electronic Monitoring providers

MAPPA is the term to describe the arrangements set up locally to assess and manage offenders who pose a risk of serious harm. There are three categories of offender eligible for MAPPA:

Category 1: Registered Sex Offenders – sexual offenders required to comply with the notification requirements (often referred to as registration) set out in the Sexual Offences Act 2003

Category 2: Violent offenders – violent offenders convicted on indictment of a crime inferring personal violence and who are on probation or subject to licence following release

Category 3: Other Offenders – offenders who do not fall into categories 1 or 2, but who have been convicted of an offence which leads the responsible authorities to believe that they continue to pose a risk of serious harm to the public and require multi agency management

National MAPPA guidance indicates the use of 3 levels of management:

* Level 1: the risks posed by the offender are such that they could be competently managed by a single agency without significantly involving other agencies. The majority of MAPPA cases fall into this level
* Level 2: Inter-agency risk management. This level of risk or complexity of the case is effectively managed by active involvement of more than one agency
* Level 3: Multi-Agency Public Protection Panels (or MAPPPs). The criteria for these critical few cases present as high or very high risk and require close co-operation and oversight at a senior level

Sexual Offences Prevention Orders, Notification Orders and Foreign Travel Orders are intervention tools that restrict the behaviour of offenders and can be applied for through the courts with the intention of preventing them committing serious further offences. A breach of these orders is a criminal offence subject to a penalty of up to five years’ imprisonment. ..Source.. by Scottish Government

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August 14, 2009

OK- Duncan to Seek Death Penalty for Repeat Child Molesters

8-14-2009 Oklahoma:

OKLAHOMA CITY – In light of a recent child kidnapping, state Rep. Rex Duncan plans to file legislation that will allow child molesters to face life in prison without parole or even the death penalty.

“This is an idea that has been discussed before that never quite made it into law,” said Duncan, a Sand Springs Republican who chairs the House Judiciary Committee. “However, I believe there is growing bipartisan support for this proposal and it will be enacted during the 2010 legislative session.”

The proposal comes after the recent arrest of Marcus Berry, a two-time convicted sex offender who kidnapped a two-year-old girl from her front yard in Tulsa.

Although Berry was convicted in 1986 and again in 1993 when he was sentenced to 30 years in prison, he served less than 13 years of that sentence before being released.

Since 2006, he has twice been charged with violating the sex-offender registration law. However, he was acquitted once because he was homeless.

Under current law, a child molester can face a sentence of 25 years to life for a first offense. Duncan’s legislation will increase the penalty to include a maximum sentence of life without parole.

His legislation will also allow the death penalty to be considered for those convicted of a second offense.

The legislation will also eliminate the “homeless defense” as an excuse for not registering as a sex offender and allow those convicted of failure to register to receive a 20-year prison sentence.

“When enacted, this legislation will reduce the opportunity for the Marcus Berrys of the world to repeatedly prey upon children,” Duncan said. “There is no greater crime than the sexual abuse of a child. My legislation will make sure the punishment fits the crime.” ..Source.. by Bixby Bulletin.com

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June 1, 2009

Ottawa to overhaul ineffective sex-offender registry

It appears there is a belief that sex crimes are solved by looking at former offenders (see highlight). If that is what they are implying then they have not looked at their own recidivism stats.

6-1-2009 Canada:

OTTAWA — The Conservative government will announce Monday that it will overhaul the national sex-offender registry, which has not been responsible for solving a single sex crime since it was created five years ago.

Public Safety Minister Peter Van Loan will detail the changes at a news conference on Parliament Hill.

He told Canwest News Service last month that he wants to make the registry more effective by making it mandatory for sex offenders to be registered, rather than giving a judge discretion on whether to include offenders when they have served their sentences.

“We’ve been consulting with the provinces, with police forces, with victims groups on how we can make it work better,” Van Loan said at the time.

The House of Commons public safety committee, which is conducting a mandatory review of the federal registry, heard last month that the catalogue of sex offenders is not working well because it does not contain enough names nor pertinent information to make a difference in investigating new crimes.

Sometimes prosecutors forget to ask for an offender to be included, or they trade it away as part of a plea bargain, police told the committee.

Also, police say they are not permitted to tap the registry to prevent crimes — only to solve ones that have already occurred.

The national registry keeps tabs on where offenders live and what they look like.

Officers are also powerless to chase leads arising from car descriptions because vehicle information is excluded from the database, the committee was told.

There are 19,000 names in the database, more than 11,000 from Ontario, but police in that province don’t bother with the national registry because Ontario has one of its own that is far superior, police said.

David Truax, an Ontario Provincial Police superintendent, estimated only 50 to 60 per cent of the province’s sex criminals are put on the national list when they are released from incarceration.

Ontario, which created its own registry in 2001, has urged Ottawa to adopt its model so there would be a stronger registry nationwide.

The Ontario registry, among other things, requires automatic inclusion of all sex offenders. They must report to police before they move or go on vacation, and is accessible to prevent sex crimes as well as solve ones that have already occurred.

Offenders on the national registry, on the other hand, have 15 days after moving to notify police and they do not have to tell anyone if they go away for two weeks or less.

Police check the national registry only about 165 times a year because they have little faith in it, the committee was told.

Ontario’s registry, by comparison, gets 475 hits daily, said Truax. ..Source.. by Janice Tibbetts, Canwest News Service

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November 30, 2008

WI- Sex offenders: Who are they?

11-30-2008 Wisconsin:

Editor's note: This is the first of a two-part series examining sex offenders and their impact on victims.

They number 272 in Sheboygan County.

They share a simple label — sex offenders — but they range in age from 18 to 84 and have been convicted of 30 different offenses dating back as far as 1971. Online registries show what they look like, and local ordinances increasingly control where they live, but who are they, really, and what danger do they pose?

Experts say there is no simple answer.

"There's just not one kind of sex offender," said George Limbeck, a Sheboygan defense attorney who represents child sex offenders in about one-fourth of his cases. "They could be everyone from the stereotypical creepy guy who preys on children to the kid next door that makes a mistake of having a girlfriend who's a little too young, and everyone in between."

Sex offenders land on the state registry for offenses that include underage sex, forcible rape, possession of child pornography and exposing a child to sexual material. But known offenders are responsible for only a fraction of the sexual assaults committed.

Eighty-four percent of sexual assault victims do not report the offense, according to the U.S. Department of Justice Center for Sex Offender Management. One in six women and one in 33 men in the U.S. will experience an attempted or completed rape in their lifetime, the center reports.

"A lot of times people like to think it doesn't happen in our community because we're a family community, we're a church community," said Mary Fontanazza, director of advocacy for Safe Harbor, which provides shelter and support for Sheboygan-area victims of sexual abuse and domestic violence. "They don't realize it happens everywhere."

And Sheboygan police say sexual assaults happen — or at least are reported — with increasing frequency in Sheboygan. The number of sexual assaults reported in Sheboygan through the end of September rose 15 percent from the same period in 2007, and the number of sex-related crimes, which include lewd behavior and child pornography, soared by 70 percent.

"I don't believe the community is panicked about sex offenders, but I think people are very well aware of what sex offenders can do and the damage they can do to a community," said Capt. James Veeser of the Sheboygan Police Department.

Residents are more aware than ever of the sex offenders in their midst — online registries and resources such as The Sheboygan Press sex offender database show what offenders look like, where they live and what they've done — but Fontanazza warns the information can also be misleading.

"So many assaults are unreported," she said. "People need to be aware and on guard and (not think), 'We're safe in this neighborhood because there's no sex offenders living there.' There probably are."

Differentiating sex offenders
The state sex offender database — created in 1997 and maintained by the Wisconsin Department of Corrections — reveals Sheboygan County sex offenders are typically middle-aged white males, but experts warn against stereotyping.

"Sex offenders can be smart or not smart, they can be rich or not rich, they can be employed or not employed, mentally ill or not mentally ill," said Dr. Charles Lodl, a Mequon-based psychologist who has worked with sex offenders and testified in their court proceedings for 25 years. "There is no standard profile that in some way, shape or form indicates that an individual will be more likely to act out sexually in an abusive way."

The most common thread lies in the offenses, as 187 Sheboygan County offenders, or 69 percent, committed crimes against children. Sixty percent of those offenders — 112 people — were convicted of the same charge: second-degree sexual assault of a child between the ages of 13 and 15.

But that offense includes boyfriend-girlfriend encounters that were consensual in fact, though not in law, as well as sexual assaults by older perpetrators, a distinction Lodl said is crucial.

"Even though legally an 18-year-old having sex with a 17-year-old or 16-year-old is designated a sex offender … psychologically, that's not the case," he said. "There is usually nothing in that kind of scenario that really warrants any real kind of psychological intervention."

At least 45 of the county's 272 sex offenders were convicted when the offender was 20 or younger and the victim was 13 or older, though not all sexual encounters were consensual, according to accounts in court records and Press archives.

Judge Timothy Van Akkeren said the inclusion of these cases in the sex offender registry can lead to incorrect assumptions about the young offenders.

"It'll look like a very serious sexual assault" on court records and sex offender registries, the judge said. "An employer will say, 'I don't want this person on board.' … The person may have used some poor judgment, but they're not likely to engage in sexual contact with another person without that person's consent."

It's a different story for the more serious offenders, those who molested younger children or raped adults, said Joseph Henger, who runs sex offender treatment programs in Sheboygan County and throughout southeastern Wisconsin,

"This is about having extreme, distorted thoughts about what they're doing, plus they develop deviant (sexual) arousal," said Henger, of Milwaukee-based Henger Enterprises.

The making of a sex offender
Lodl said there is some evidence that pedophilia is rooted in genetics, but Henger said the sex offenders he sees are typically products of their environment and experiences.

"People aren't born this way," Henger said. "They unwittingly evolve and condition themselves into it."

Patricia Brinkman, a therapist at Northshore Clinic of Sheboygan who has worked with juvenile sex offenders for about 20 years, said many offenders have parents who provide little accountability, are poor models and make excuses for the child's behavior.

"A lot of times sexual offenders don't have real healthy home lives," she said. "Children that are more easily treated (in therapy), they don't come often from real bad situations. The more serious offenders, probably their structure, limit-setting, maybe modeling — usually that was more of a problem."

While Lodl warns against profiling, he said offenders who commit certain crimes do have some similarities in their personalities.

Offenders who commit forcible rapes are likely to have anger management problems and difficultly developing and maintaining relationships, Lodl said. They may rape someone out of sexual desire or simply anger. Child molesters are often looking to fill an emotional and sexual need rooted in social disorders that prevent the offender from finding more appropriate people to meet those needs.

Henger said offenders know their victims in about 85 percent of cases.

Brinkman said teenagers who molest young children often do so out of what she termed "inappropriate curiosity."

"For young men that either are shy or embarrassed or not as popular as some of the other kids where they wouldn't have a girlfriend, they'll experiment on children," she said.

Recidivism after conviction is rare
Experts say sex offenders often victimize multiple people, but registered sex offenders likely pose less danger since recidivism rates drop dramatically after conviction.

"If we hear about some type of sexual crime, that's a high priority for us just because … the history of sexual predators is that they have more than one victim," said Veeser, the police captain. "If we can prove a case against a sex offender, it might help someone in the future or someone who is involved with them right at that time."

Van Akkeren, the judge, said few sex offenders return to his courtroom for a second sexual assault case.

"As a result of the punishment they've received they (may) have been dissuaded … or it could be they've gotten more sly and they haven't been caught the second time," Van Akkeren said.

Lodl said sex offenders re-offend at lower rates than many other criminals. More than 50 percent of those convicted of crimes such as burglary and battery are convicted later of a similar offense.

"The recidivism rate after a fellow has been caught is somewhere around 13.5 percent," he said. "Before they're caught, that's a different story. Especially with incest offenders, the likelihood is they're going to keep doing what they were doing if there's no intervention."

One study found less than 15 percent of sex offenders committed another sex offense within five to six years of their release from prison, according to the Center for Sex Offender Management. Another study showed recidivism rates of 20 percent after 10 years and 24 percent after 15 years.

Brinkman, the therapist, said offenders are more likely to re-offend if they've had multiple victims, refuse to take responsibility for their crimes or employed force or threats in a sexual assault. She estimated more than 10 percent of sex offenders she sees as juveniles fit into this category.

"It depends a lot on … how much they've done it before, what age they're caught and whether they go through treatment," Brinkman said. "(If) their conscience is questionable or it's not very strong, they don't have a lot of remorse for what they did … then we're starting to get more into the sex offender that's always going to be a sex offender."

Sex offenders sentenced on individual basis
Van Akkeren said every sex offender in his courtroom must be considered individually, though most face similar charges.

The felony counts involving sex with a minor carry high maximum penalties — up to 25 years in prison for second-degree sexual assault, the most common charge — so judges have flexibility in sentencing, Van Akkeren said.

"We have what essentially are statutory sex offenders" in teen sex situations, and on the other side of the spectrum, "those who are the real threats to the community," the judge said. "We need to be sure that we deal with things appropriately."

A father convicted of molesting a child may face substantial prison time, while a teenager charged with the same offense from a consensual encounter may receive probation or a deferred conviction agreement that dismisses the charge if no further crimes are committed for a year or two. The judge also has the option to not require sex offender registration in boyfriend-girlfriend cases.

"I think we do a good job in this county of distinguishing between the various kinds of sex offenders," said Limbeck, the defense attorney.

He said Sheboygan County judges take sexual assaults more seriously than they did a decade ago.

"Nowadays when you have a real significant age difference between the defendant and the victim, the likelihood of a prison sentence has increased," Limbeck said. "The criminal justice system has kind of grown with the community in general as we've become aware and better educated about the crimes that are being committed." ..News Source.. by Eric Litke • Sheboygan Press staff

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November 16, 2008

IN- JOHNSON: We need a change in approach to sex offenders

11-16-2008 Indiana:

Most people seem to believe that sex offenders have a higher re-offending rate than any other category of criminal. A figure I hear tossed around a lot says that 95 percent of sex offenders will commit another sex crime if they get the chance.

If this is true, then it is evidence that most sex offenders — almost all of them — will continue to commit sex crimes. If this is true, then it means that most sex offenders can’t help their behavior. They will never change. They are beyond help.

If sex offenders really cannot and will not change, then society is justified in wanting to lock them up and throw away the keys. After sex offenders serve their time and get out of prison, it is right that they should be required to register on a database for the rest of their lives. Again, this sounds fine to me; at least, it would if that 95 percent re-offending rate was true.

It is not true. A study done by the U.S. Bureau of Justice in 1994 says so.

Click on pic for actual recidivism rates of both released sex offenders and non sex offenders (who went on to commit first time sex offenses).


There were 9,691 male sex offenders released from prison in 1994, representing two-thirds of all sex offenders released from custody that year. This was not one of those studies where they interview 100 people and then stretch their conclusions to cover 100,000 people. This was an excellent study with a huge sample, whose conclusions can be trusted.

For those of you who might be interested and can read PDF files, I can e-mail you the entire 49-page study. Just e-mail me and ask for it. For those who may not have the time or inclination to wade through the whole thing, let me highlight a few of its conclusions.

First, only 5.3 percent, or 517 men, of released sex offenders tracked in the study were arrested again for another sex crime. Only 3.5 percent, representing two-thirds of those arrested, were convicted. While I absolutely agree that 3.5 percent is still 100 percent too many, it’s a whole lot smaller than that 95 percent figure so many of us throw around.

The 9,691 men in the study included 4,295 child molesters. Of these, 3.3 percent, or 141 men, were arrested again for another sex crime involving a child; again, hardly 95 percent. Half of the child molesters were 19 years of age or younger when they committed their crime. And 60 percent of their victims were children 13 years of age or younger.

The study goes on to show that released pedophiles with more than one arrest for molesting a child were three times as likely — 7.3 percent to 2.4 percent — to be arrested again for child molesting than those with only one prior arrest. This seems to indicate that the sooner pedophiles are caught, the less likely they are to re-offend.

Finally, sex offenders (including child molesters) were less likely to be re-arrested for any kind of crime after their release than non-sex offenders — 43 percent for sex offenders versus 68 percent for non-sex offenders.

OK, we’ve got some figures and statistics to look at here, but so what? How does this help us prevent sex crimes? How does this help us stop sex offenders from re-offending? How can we find a way to reduce the number of victims, especially children, who are being abused by some very sick people?

For starters, if we’re going to reduce sex crimes, then we ought to have good intelligence and gather the best information possible. We need to understand the true nature and actual scope of the problem. We need to deal with facts, so we can develop a plan of action based on those facts. The figures given in this study help us get there.

As long as most people believe that 95 percent of sex offenders will re-offend; as long as too many of us think that sex offenders cannot and will not change; as long as we lump all sex offenders into one category and fail to take the exact nature of each offense into consideration; as long as we let our emotional responses to a truly heinous crime drive our public policy (especially our anger and outrage); and as long as we think that putting every sex offender into a public database will solve our problem: We will not be ready to craft an effective response to this tough and emotional issue.

Almost every day, someone asks me, “What can we do about sex offenders?” That’s too short a question, and the answer is quite long — too long for one column.

For the moment, let me just say that something can be done. Change is in the air, and a change in our overall approach is needed. But before we can start discussing solutions, we’ve got to get the rest of the facts out on the table.

In the weeks ahead, I will do my best to bring facts to this public forum in the hope that our community can find a reasonable and effective way to deal with sex offenses, and the people who commit them.

In the meantime, please don’t shoot the messenger. ..News Source.. by RICHARD JOHNSON, Local Columnist

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October 13, 2008

UT- (Budget) Cuts may result in reoffenders

10-13-2008 Utah:

Sacrificed: Sex, substance abuse therapies

DRAPER -- In response to the recent state budget crunch, the Department of Corrections did not resort to releasing inmates early.

It did, however, reduce funding to such programs as substance abuse and sex offender and mental health treatment, programs that lower the chances of paroled individuals reoffending and ending up back in prison.

-Notice they talk about folks going back to prison, and not about public safety.

"That's the problem that we're having with everything," said department spokeswoman Angie Welling.

"We know for a fact that programming, treatment and education reduce recidivism, so we do what we have to do ... knowing that, in the long run, it costs taxpayers more."

-Again, no mention of public safety, instead, money....

Welling said that, in advance of a special legislative session at the end of September, the state asked the department to propose cuts that would amount to 3 percent of the department's $384 million budget.

To achieve that, the department had a head start.

Planned construction of a new building has been delayed by Salt Lake City officials leery of approving a 300-bed halfway house for parolees planned for their city.

During the last budget process, the department was given $7.6 million to operate the so-called parole violator center, Welling said.

Headlines in other media suggested lawmakers had "yanked" the funding for the center because of the delay, but Welling said about $5.7 million in operating costs for the center was offered for sacrifice from the department.

The money to build the facility was not cut, she said.

Still, more cuts were needed.

Encouraging eligible administrators to retire provided more savings, Welling said.

"We lost quite a bit of personnel. We ultimately ended up losing 35 full-time positions throughout the department."

Half of those eliminated positions had yet to be filled, Welling said, and positions for corrections officers the department has been trying all year to fill were not cut.

More savings were found by cutting programming.

"We've seen cuts to a number of programming things inside and outside the (prison) facilities," she said.

In Davis, Weber, Salt Lake and Tooele counties, for example, sex offenders on parole with electronic monitoring will now pay a fee, about $30 to $50 a month, Welling said.

-Interesting, they say sex offenders must pay, but thats just to make their budget look good. They have full knowledge that sex offenders cannot find jobs, housing, and other services and without money how do they survive must less pay for GPS units.

That move saved another $200,000 and brought offenders in those counties in line with sex offenders statewide. Offenders in all other counties have had to pay for their ankle monitors all along, Welling said.

Funds for the 2007 Drug Offender Reform Act were not cut, she said. DORA reduces incarceration for some first-time drug offenders and increases state-funded rehab programs at little cost to the user.

"(Cuts to DORA) were discussed, and fortunately, that didn't happen this time," she said.

Other programs received reduced funding, but few programs were eliminated outright, Welling said.

"We offer the same range of programming, but perhaps not as many sessions."

The remaining programs will also be offered in fewer locations.

What that means for a facility like Ogden's Northern Utah Community Correction Center is the elimination of a behavioral therapy program for about 35 lower-functioning offenders per year, as well as a substance abuse and life-skills program offered through NUCCC's day reporting center.

Welling said NUCCC's substance abuse program will be replaced soon with "in-house treatment," but she did not say where the funding would come from for it, nor how the replacement might differ from the original.

NUCCC Director Steve Yeates declined to comment unless he got permission from Welling to do so. He did not get permission.

Welling said no other officials within the Department of Corrections would be available for interviews.

"I am the only person speaking on behalf of the department on this issue," Welling said in an e-mail.

When asked whether the department sought or considered an inmate population reduction to save costs and preserve programming options, Welling said it did not.

And, as she said earlier, cutting programming today may cost taxpayers more in the future.

"If recidivism increases as a result of these offenders not having the tools they need to succeed," Welling said, "they're going to come back to prison, and that always costs more." ..News Source.. by JESSE FRUHWIRTH

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October 11, 2008

AK- New Sex Offender Recidivism Statistics Out Of Alaska

Spring / Summer 2008 Alaska:

A recent study of sexual offenders released from incarceration in Alaska shows that for the three years after the offenders left prison in 2001, the rates of recidivism for sexual offenders were, by most measures, no higher than for offenders in general. The study, which was done by the Alaska Justice Statistical Analysis Center, a subdivision of the Justice Center, compared recidivism for sexual offenders released from prison in 2001 with a random sample of non-sex offenders also released in 2001. The analysis used the three measures most commonly used to determine recidivism: incidents of remand to custody, rearrest, and reconviction on any new offense. The results are similar to those found in an earlier study done by the Alaska Judicial Council. (See Alaska Felony Process: 1999, Alaska Judicial Council, 2004.)

The following analysis is based on data from the Departments of Corrections and Public Safety and the Alaska Court System. The Alaska Department of Corrections released 232 male sex offenders in 2001. This analysis focuses on offender recidivism over the three-year period following release. Recidivism is calculated for remand—reentry to prison as a result of probation/parole/technical violations, rearrest, or reconviction for any type of crime. Overall recidivism rates and frequencies for all sex offenders and for a randomly sampled cohort of other types of offenders also released in 2001 are presented. Also given are rates according to the types of sexual offense involved in the original conviction: sexual assault or sexual abuse of a minor.

Overall, during the three-year period, 70 percent of all offenders were remanded (68% of sex offenders and 72% of non-sex offenders), 61 percent were rearrested (54% of sex offenders and 68% of non-sex offenders), and 40 percent were convicted on some charge (39% of sex offenders and 35% of non-sex offenders).

For the categories of sex offense, 63 percent of those convicted of sexual abuse of a minor were remanded, 50 percent were rearrested and 36 percent were convicted of another offense—although not necessarily a sexual offense. For offenders convicted of sexual assault, the rates were 79 percent, 63 percent, and 45 percent respectively.

In the case of rearrest for a new sex offense, there was a slight but statistically insignificant difference between the sex offender group—3.4 percent—and the non-sex offender group—1.3 percent.

Note: Table-4 below shows specific rates for rearrest of BOTH 232 sex offenders (3.4%) and 232 non sex offenders (1.3%) released from prison in Alaska in 2001. It is important to note that non sex offenders were rearrested for sex offenses when released from prison. Recidivism in Table-4 is defined as committing a sex offense following release.

In 1994 the Department of Justice did a study of 9,691 male sex offenders released from prisons in the United States in 1994 (2/3rds of all sex offenders released nationwide that year). In that study the DOJ found that, 5.3% of sex offenders were rearrested and 1.3% of the non-sex offenders were rearrested for a sex offense following release from prison.

Most interesting here is, both studies show virtually the same rates for both sex offenders and non sex offenders, and the studies are 7 years apart. Further, sex offender registries were implmented after the 1994 study and there is no change in recidivism rates as the result of sex offender registration and public registries.

Here we are in 2008 and no state legislature nor Congress has done a single thing about the fact that, non sex offenders released from prison go on to commit sex offenses, even in the face of hard facts.

Even more egregious is, in the 1994 study, while the percentages look better for non sex offenders (1.3%) the reality is, because there are far more non sex offenders released (262,420 in 1994) that translates to 3,328 sex offenses; sex offenders committed 517 sex offenses. A 6 to 1 ratio, why are lawmakers so blind, is prevention really their focus? eAdvocate





Methodology

The Alaska Department of Corrections (DOC) provided the Alaska Justice Statistical Analysis Center (SAC) with a data set of all releases from DOC facilities in 2001. SAC personnel filtered the set for state statutes that identify a sexual offense and require registration on the state’s sex offender registry. Once the sex offenders were identified, an equivalent number of offenders from the remaining pool were randomly sampled to provide a comparison group. Current and past information on status, movements, court cases, etc. involving the offender was also obtained from DOC.

The Alaska Department of Public Safety (DPS) provided the SAC with criminal histories for the sampled offenders and the Alaska Court System provided record access to court records through the web-based interface, Court View (CV).

For this report, only first release cases were used—that is, if an offender was initially released some time prior to 2001 and returned for some reason, such as a probation violation, and then released again in 2001, that case was excluded. Also, some offenders were released more than once during 2001. The first release constituted the base measure; a subsequent release was an indication of a new arrest event.

In the rare instances of discrepancy, the date of the first event was used in the analysis. For instance, DOC and CV might have had the same date for an arrest/filing that did not appear in the criminal history. This situation generally indicated a remand to custody that did not get reported as a new court case and resulted in incarceration under the original court case—such as for parole, probation, and technical violations.

Demographics

Table 1 shows racial categories for the groups of offenders. Alaska Natives constituted 49 percent of the sex offender group and 46 percent of offenders overall. Whites were 32 percent of sex offenders and 39 percent of the overall offender pool. Table 1 also presents the breakdown for the two sex offense categories.


Table 2 shows a comparison of age and number of prior arrests and convictions for the groups of offenders. The average age of the sex offenders was significantly lower than that of the non-sex offenders. For the two sex offender categories, however, there was no significant difference in age.An analysis of prior convictions shows a significant difference between sex offenders and non-sex offenders for any prior conviction but not for sex offense convictions. The non-sex offenders had significantly more prior convictions than the sex offenders.


Rearrests for Any Crime

Table 3 shows recidivism rates for remands, rearrests, and reconvictions for the sex offenders and non-sex offenders. Non-sex offenders were more likely to be rearrested than sex offenders but for remands and convictions there was no significant difference between sex offenders and non-sex offenders.

Table 3 also shows the recidivism rates for the two sex offender categories. Those originally incarcerated for sexual abuse of a minor were less likely to be remanded than other sex offenders, less likely to be rearrested, and less likely to be reconvicted.

Rearrests for a Sex Crime

Table 4 shows the recidivism rates for the sex offenders and non-sex offenders for new sex crimes. While there is a slight difference in rearrests—3.4 percent for the sex offender group vs. 1.3 percent for the non-sex offender group—this difference is not statistically significant.

Table 4 also shows the equivalent analysis for the sex crime category grouping. Again, there is a slight but non-significant difference between the two groups.

..Original Research... by Alan McKelvie is the director of the Alaska Justice Statistical Analysis Center.

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October 9, 2008

An examination of the SORNA as applied to juveniles: Evaluating the ability to predict sexual recidivism.

10-9-2008 National:

Abstract
The recently enacted Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act will expand and standardize the registration of adolescent sex offenders. To evaluate the effectiveness of this and similar legislation, the authors assessed 91 juvenile males who had been adjudicated for a sexual felony offense and 174 juvenile males who had no history of sexual offending with several risk measures. On admission to treatment, all participants were assessed with the Psychopathy Checklist: Youth Version (PCL:YV; A. E. Forth, D. Kosson, & R. D. Hare, 2003). The Juvenile Sex Offender Assessment Protocol-II (J-SOAP-II; R. A. Prentky & S. Righthand, 2003), 3 state-developed risk protocols (from Wisconsin, Texas, and New Jersey), and the tier designation embedded in the federal Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act of 2006 (SORNA) were coded from the sex offender participants' records. Participants were followed for an average of 71.6 months (SD = 18.1 months) to determine charges for general, violent, and sexual offenses. Results showed inconsistencies in risk designations between the J-SOAP-II, SORNA tier, and state risk measures, and none, except for the PCL:YV, significantly predicted new general, violent, or sexual offense charges. Policy and legal implications concerning the assessment of adolescent sex offenders are discussed. ..Source.. by Caldwell, Michael F.; Ziemke, Mitchell H.; Vitacco, Michael J. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law. Vol 14(2), May 2008, 89-114.

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October 1, 2008

ME- Effectiveness of Sex Offender Registries Explored By Legislators

Most important is not found in the printed words below, but is in the audio on the MPBN website. A speaker, Kurt Bumby of the Washington DC based "Center for Effective Public Policy" is discussing various points about registered sex offenders.

10-1-2008 Maine:

As the lawsuits pile up in the state's courts over the constitutionality of Maine's sex offender registry laws, members of the Legislature and other key state leaders met today for a day-long conference on national sex offender policies in general and the effectiveness of registries in particular.

Many offenders are challenging a change in the state's 1999 registry law that requires violators to register for convictions that took place up to 26 years ago. As A.J. Higgins reports, one leading psychologist questions whether the registry actually has any impact on recidivism. ..News Source.. by Maine Public Broadcasting Network

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September 8, 2008

Revisiting Department of Justice Recidivism Statistics and More Shocking Truths

9-8-2008 National:

Every so often someone dismisses a sex offender study on grounds that make no sense, today we have such a case. The sex offender study is about recidivism (of former sex offenders), and first time sex offenders (former non sex offenders), the study: "Recidivism of Sex Offenders Released from Prison in 1994" (198281) published by the Department of Justice in November 2003. Follow highlighting of former sex offenders and former non sex offenders.

The claim:

This study is no good because it doesn't address registered sex offenders and non sex offenders. Given it does address non sex offenders which I'll explain in a minute, I cannot see why it should address registered sex offenders. The reason is simple, the study includes newly released prisoners in 1994, followed for three years, and the majority of the states did not even have a registration requirement back then.
To the commenter below mentioning additional stats which the USDOJ could have used. Those stats are not relevant to prisoners released in 1994 and followed for three years (94, 95 and 96), nor would those stats change anything in this study. Should the commenter be thinking, the study should have addressed JUST THOSE REGISTERED AT THE TIME, please see "The Iowa Sex Offender Registry and Recidivism, 2000, which found no difference in recidivism before or after the registry. If I am missing something please get back to me. I'm always open to new thoughts and corrections.
Now, on to relevant issues:

This is an excellent study because of who it covers (target subjects). That year there were 272,111 prisoners released from prison in 15 states (Arizona, Maryland, North Carolina, California, Michigan, Ohio, Delaware, Minnesota, Oregon, Florida, New Jersey, Texas, Illinois, New York, and Virginia). Of the 272,111 prisoners 9,691 were former sex offenders and that represented 2/3rds of all released sex offenders in the nation that year. This study included ALL of them, and that makes this study unique.

Here is the breakdown of released prisoners(pg-7):
9,691 Sex Offenders Released
262,420 Other Offenders Released
272,111 Total Offenders Released

Those are KEY facts showing the study covers former sex offenders and former non sex offenders (others offenders). Anyone in prison for a crime other than a sex offense is a former non sex offender.

Who commits more sex crimes, former sex offenders -or- former non sex offenders?

First, a overall recidivism chart created from statistics in the study:


Click to see "Overall Sex Offender" Recidivism Rates




Now, most folks will claim, but sex offenders are 4 times more likely to commit a sex offense than a non sex offender after being released from prison. True, that is what the study says, but thats only PART of what the study says, see:
Rearrest for a new sex crime: Compared to non-sex offenders released from State prisons, released sex offenders were 4 times more likely to be rearrested for a sex crime. Within the first 3 years following their release from prison in 1994, 5.3% (517 of the 9,691) of released sex offenders were rearrested for a sex crime. The rate for the 262,420 released non-sex offenders was lower, 1.3% (3,328 of 262,420).(pg-7)

Now, notice the under lined portion, that talks about non sex offenders, those who were in prison for other offenses (former non sex offenders). REVELATION, former non sex offenders -after release- went on to commit first time sex offenses, thats a fact!

Statistics can play tricks on one's mind: Notice, 5.3% of the former sex offenders were rearrested for a new sex crime while only 1.3% of the former non sex offenders were rearrested for a sex offense. Sounds like the real bad guys are the former sex offenders, right? WRONG, lets change those percentages into real numbers (real sex crimes): 5.3% = 517 sex crimes, and, 1.3% = 3,328 sex crimes IN THE SAME TIME PERIOD! So, former sex offenders committed 517 sex crimes -and- former non sex offenders committed 3,328 sex crimes. Study that, let it sink in, then look at the chart above. Shocking enough?

Who should society be more concerned about?

The laws targeting former sex offenders MAY prevent some recidivism, but lawmakers have totally ignored the group causing the majority of NEW sex crimes by former prison inmates. Now, for every ONE sex crime committed by a former sex offender, there are SIX sex crimes committed by former non sex offenders.

That folks is something lawmakers simply ignore, and focus on former sex offenders. Now, consider this, all those NEW sex crimes committed by former non sex offenders, is causing further public and lawmaker hysteria of former sex offenders!


What distinguishes this study from many other recidivism studies?

Sex offender recidivism studies can be misleading because often a study will look at a SPECIFIC SUB GROUP of sex offenders, and ignore other sub groups. Frequently, a speaker will latch on to such a study and claim it pertains to ALL sex offenders, and in so doing distorts the truth.

This DOJ study FIRST looks at ALL sex offenders released and provides recidivism statistics that way. So, remember, when discussing ALL SEX OFFENDERS then the overall rates can be used and will be correct.

Now Subgroups: When a study looks at "rapists" or "child molesters" or "pedophiles" or "adult molesters" or "statutory rapists" or "Romeo and Juliet" cases, or "Lolita" cases, or "stranger" cases, or just high profile cases, or other sub groupings of sex offenders, then they are looking for something about that sub group.

Yes, these are different groupings of sex offenders, and when subgroups are addressed. it EXCLUDES all other sub groups of sex offenders. This is done to generate specific stats which is normal if the researcher has a reason to do so, but remember, sub group recidivism rates CANNOT be used when speaking of ALL SEX OFFENDERS.

How are subgroups formed?

Well, the facts of the crime dictates what subgroup an offender will fall into, and an offender can fall into more than one subgroup.

Scenario-1: Suppose a offender commits a sex crime against a minor which the offender does not know. The offender would be a "child molester" and also be grouped as a "stranger" case. If the offender knew the victim or was part of the daily life of the victim, then it would not be a "stranger" case

Scenario-2: Suppose John and Mary are dating and having sex, Mary is a minor and John turns 18. This is tricky because both before and after John turns 18 he is a "child molester" according to the law, because Mary cannot give consent under the law. Now this is also what is known as a "Romeo & Juliet" case hence different subgroups.

Scenario-3: Suppose Sam is attracted to young children and has downloaded hundreds of pictures of child pornography, given those facts he would be a "pedophile." However, suppose Peter, also attracted to children, but has been going to a psychiatrist and has been diagnosed as suffering from "pedophilia" using the DSM-IV (Code 302.2) which is described in the DSM-IV) but has not committed any offense against a child. Is he a "pedophile," yes. Now, suppose George a RSO having committed ONE sex crime against a child and lives down the street from you. Is he a "pedophile," no. George's case does not show facts to indicate he is a "pedophile." i.e., a preference for children (one time conviction, without additional facts, fails to show a preference).

A problem with the dictionary definitions of pedophile: Some are misleading and define "pedophile" as one who prefers sex with children -and others- as one who commits a sex crime with a child (lacking "preference" this may be incorrect).

Failing to include some context of "preference" (which supports the DSM-IV definition), -or- in the case of child pornography above which shows a preference, i.e., downloaded many pictures of child porn. Pedophiles prefer!

Now, is John (the one who was dating Mary above) a pedophile? Given the above facts, no, he is a person in a dating relationship and ab scent facts showing a improper preference for children, he is not a pedophile. So before labeling someone a "pedophile" you need to know facts of the case, lest you be wrong. With all that said, "pedophiles" are one subgroup of sex offenders.

Scenario-4: Now, suppose Luke is attracted to and prefers girls who are about 14-17, he is known as a "EPHEBOPHILE: An adult affected with ephebophilia (age attraction 14-17)." Age is where we get into a problem because "children" in most of today's laws means someone under 18, but in the psych world pedophiles are mostly associated with prepubescent children. This point with be argued for years to come and never settled one way or the other; I'll let it rest here.

I could go on and on with subgroups of sex offenders but I need to get back to the study.

Does the DOJ Study Address ANY subgroups of sex offenders?

Yes, the DOJ addressed subgroups which were important to the public. Before looking at which subgroups a note is important: No other study -bar none- has put the subjects under the microscope and analyzed them, six ways to Sunday as they say, as this study has. That is why this study has more value than any other study at this time.

The DOJ analyzed offenders' crimes and found they fall into the following subgroups (remember, some offenders -based on the facts of their crime- may fall into more than one subgroup, so the sum of the following will be greater than 9,691, total released):

3,115 were rapists;
6,576 were sexual assaulter;
4,295 were child molesters;
443 were statutory rapists.

Now I am going to focus on one subgroup, child molesters, and my reason is, because ALL new laws governing sex offenders nationally, is driven by the cry of "to protect children." Again, from statistics provided in the DOJ study the following chart was compiled to pull together recidivism rates as to children:

Click to see "Child Molester" Recidivism Rates



This chart shows us that 2.2% of all sex offenders released from prison, and followed for 3 years, went on to be rearrested for a new sex crime against a child. The chart shows the breakdown of that number.

Now, remember my earlier comment "Who should society be more concerned about?", released sex offenders -or- released non sex offenders. The DOJ found that released non sex offenders go on to commmit MORE NEW SEX OFFENSES than released sex offenders.

Well, get ready top be shocked again, released non sex offenders go on to commit approximately FIVE new sex offenses to every ONE committed by a released sex offender AGAINST A CHILD. See the chart, released sex offenders committed 213 new sex crimes against children, BUT, released non sex offenders committed 1,042 in the same time period (3 years).

A fact revealed by the Department of Justice which lawmakers are aware of and do nothing about, non sex offenders are more dangerous to the community!

Residency type laws: Laws prohibiting residing, loitering, etc., within xx feet of schools, playgrounds, parks, day cares, churches and other places where children MIGHT congregate, are targeted to the group LEAST LIKELY to commit a crime against a child. Lawmakers permit other released offenders to reside and enter these areas, and do nothing about them. Why are lawmakers so blind?

Internet Restrictions: Lawmakers are passing laws to gather up e-mail addresses and other Internet IDs and some even go after the paswords. Again, the cry is to protect children! Which released offender is MOST LIKELY to commit a crime against a child? Right, non sex offenders, the statistics prove that. Lawmakers still do nothing with respect to released non sex offenders and Internet restrictions. Again, why are lawmakers so blind?

Parks: Lawmakers are pasing laws and ordinances to prohibit all sex offenders from entering parks. Which released offender is MOST LIKELY to commit a crime against a child? Right, non sex offenders, the statistics prove that. Lawmakers still do nothing with respect to released non sex offenders and parks. Again, why are lawmakers so blind?


So my question is simple, if non sex offenders released from prison are causing 86.6% of all new sex offenses, and, 83% of all new sex crimes against children, why do lawmakers do nothing about this? The evidence is in lawmakers hands, they ignore it. Why?

I'll take an answer from anyone, that is a logical answer.

eAdvocate

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